USINDO’s President, David Merrill

Your excellencies Mr. and Mrs. Dino Djalal

Professor Paul Wolfowitz,

Honorable guests

Ladies and Gentlemen:

Let me begin by expressing my sincere appreciation to USINDO for making possible such a wonderful gathering of people. It is a great honor to be with you to discuss the future and the promise of Indonesia.

I know that many of you who are here today love Indonesia deeply. The US-Indonesia relationship is strong and warm because it has been cultivated and promoted by friends like you.

You have educated the American public and persuaded the American leaders that our two countries have much common ground and many common interests. Rooted in deep friendship, both of our nations can play constructive roles in promoting world peace and cooperation. Through various efforts, you have also helped increase mutual understanding between our societies.

For all your positive contributions, I thank you and encourage your continuing efforts in the coming years.

Honorable guests

Ladies and Gentlemen:

I know I am expected to discuss with you the coming 2014 election in Indonesia and how we are positioning the Golkar Party to win the election. I also know that I am expected to share my view regarding the future, post-SBY leadership. This seems to be a timely and a very interesting issue, wildly speculated, not only in Jakarta, but apparently also in Washington DC.

In Jakarta, I guess I understand the reason why. But in Washington DC., honestly, I am quite perplexed. I heard rumors about my intention to visit this town. Let me assure all of you, although I am a former businessman, I do not come to this town to help Donald Trump shoring up the Gingrich campaign. The reason why I come here is because I want to make sure Ambassador Dino Djalal behaves really well in defending the interests of our Indonesia.

Ambassador Dino Djalal is one of our young rising star diplomat. This reminds me of another young and handsome ambassador, also a young rising star, an intellectual republican and a very popular American in Jakarta, who was sent by President Ronald Reagan to introduce political openness in Suharto’s Indonesia more than 20 years ago. (Professor Wolfowitz, thank you).

I am sure Ambassador Djalal will have a long career. My only hope is that in the future, if he decides to become politician, he will join the Golkar Party, not the Democratic Party.

Now, about the 2014 election, Golkar and post-SBY leadership: I will certainly discuss these important and interesting issues. But before that, let me talk a little bit about Indonesia in general, to give you a kind of progress report about our journey so far.

As you all know, Indonesia has been a democracy now for more than a decade. Democratic transitions are always difficult, especially for a large and plural society like Indonesia. But I think we have passed the most difficult tests, when the country was on the verge of breaking apart in the early years of the transition, or when the most severe effects of the 1998 financial crisis brought the country’s economy almost to its knees.

That was a period of growing pains, of maturing as a nation when the challenges were at their greatest. Fortunately, because of the resilience of our people, we held on and survived. The trials and tribulations of that period made us stronger. Today, we are now a proud democratic nation, the third biggest in the world, moving forward to realize our dreams and fulfill our destiny.

Among the biggest gains we have made so far is the growing consensus among our people that we are not turning back. Freedom, democracy, open and more accountable government, protection of basic rights: these are now part of the Indonesian grand narrative which we are going to protect and transfer to the next generation and beyond.

Furthermore, we have managed to maintain our moderation and our religious tolerance while expanding the sphere of free discussion. Many of you here know very well that this has not been easy. From time to time setbacks and terrible things have occurred, like the bombing in Bali and the bloody conflict in Ambon and Poso. It was a test to our commitments and to our political will to ensure social and religious harmony, so dearly held by our constitution and so deeply embedded in our philosophy of Bhineka Tunggal Ika, or E Pluribus Unum, as you call it here in America.

But overall, given the complexity of our society, we have dealt with the problem quite well, while learning to exercise power in proportion to our need.

We have also demonstrated to ourselves and to the world that Islam is compatible with democracy and modernization. The Islamic parties have played a major role in renewing our commitment to social justice. These parties, supported fully by Islamic social organizations, have also contributed in our effort to stop terrorism and to minimize the influence of religious demagogues and religious fanatics.

Another area in which Indonesia has also exceeded expectation has been the empowerment and revival of the regions, particularly in Sumatra, Kalimantan and in the major islands of Eastern Indonesia. Decentralization of power has resulted in a silent revolution: directly-elected governors, mayors and local representatives are now playing a more important role in shaping the policies and delivering basic services to people around the country.

Successful local leadership in the regions is one of the key factors that explains why the rates of economic growth in regions outside Java have been consistently higher than those of the major areas in Java. In the coming years this will result in a big transformation in which the country’s engines of growth and progress will no longer be primarily in Jakarta, Surabaya or Bandung, but also in Balikpapan, Palembang, Makassar, and Jayapura. The future lies in our thriving regions, and Indonesia will become a stronger country because of it.

This progressive trend in the regions is also the reason why, while we were transforming our politics, our national economy grew surprisingly strong, over 6 percent per year, joining the ranks of other high-achievers in the developing world like China, India, Chile and Brazil. In the depth of the 1998-1999 financial crises, and again in the 2008 mini-crisis, it was in fact our regional economies that saved us, helped by the booms in the world’s commodities and energy sectors.

In about one decade, if this trend continues, Indonesia will join the ranks of the so-called upper middle-income countries, which means that our middle class will become significantly greater in number and more dispersed in geographic location, which in turn should help strengthen the foundations of our democracy.

Now, by painting this rosy scenario, I am not saying that our journey will be easy. With all its progress, the Indonesian economy has not realized its full potential due to a range of some structural problems, many of which are related to our infrastructure.

If you go to Jakarta, after you have arrived at Sukarno-Hatta Airport in Cengkareng and you are in a car heading to your hotel, it is easy to understand this problem. The airport is aging, with rapidly increasing number of flights, even more than that of the Changi Airport, Singapore. The traffic jam is just terrible as you make your way along the only toll road, which was built more than 20 years ago. This toll road is the only freeway passing through the heart of Jakarta. There have been many plans to improve Jakarta’s traffic and build new freeways. But so far, we have not been very successful in catching up with the city’s rapid growth.

This problem happens not only in Jakarta, but in fact in many of our major cities. And I am not talking only about roads and freeways, but also, sadly, about many other public facilities, like power plants, ports and airports, public hospitals, and the like. It has created bottlenecks in many areas which are slowing us down.

The irony is that such bottlenecks have occurred not because we could not afford to pay for better infrastructure. This year we will spend more than 25 billion US dollars for fuel and other misdirected subsidies, the biggest expenditure of the government, even more than our expenditure for education. This is a terrible waste of limited resources. And yet we do it every year and there seems to be no alternative in sight. This, I think, is among the greatest public policy problems that we will have to deal with in the coming years.

If we can solve the subsidy and the infrastructure problems, and if we can also push for breakthroughs in poverty alleviation programs and create a more healthy business environment for our millions of small scale enterprises, I am sure Indonesia will move even faster.

We have to do all this while keeping the management of our macro-economy prudent and keep improving our investment climate.

In short, by dealing directly with the problems we are facing with better policies, I am sure it will be possible for Indonesia to speed up its rate of growth, increasing to 8 to 9 percent per year, or even better.

Other pressing issues that we have to face are related to the rule of law and the institutions of justice. The weakness of these institutions is the reason why we seem to be unable to fight corruption significantly. The establishment of the KPK (the Corruption Eradication Commission) is a move in the right direction. But this independent body can never do it alone.

Without reforming our formal institutions of law and justice, and without reforming the way we govern the economy, I fear that we are fighting corruption only in the most superficial way.

There are also some important problems regarding the excessive fragmentation in our parliament and the weakness of our politicians. I am the Chairman of the Golkar Party, but I have to be frank with you that, in most opinion surveys released in Jakarta lately, the numbers have hit new lows in regard to trust in government and political institutions in general.

I understand that here in the US you have only two parties, and yet it seems to be very difficult to ask your politicians to agree on anything or to get something done quickly. Now, just imagine, Indonesia has 9 political parties in our legislature. They are lively and full of passion. So you know what we are dealing with.

We have to find realistic solution to this problem, otherwise the public is increasingly skeptical. Skepticism in politics might be quite healthy in a democratic society. But beyond a certain degree, it will become dangerous, because it will erode the legitimacy of democracy itself.

There are many other problems in the future, but let me mention just another one, which is related to the stability of our regions and the integrity of our country. We have basically solved the problem of peace in Aceh — and Aceh now, even after the tsunami several years ago, is a thriving place, with a working local democracy. It is not yet perfect, but it is working.

After Aceh, we are now dealing with an apparently growing separatist movement in Papua. We have to deal with this problem with care, sympathy and sincerity.

Let me say it clearly in no uncertain terms: for us, the breaking apart of Indonesia is not an option. Abraham Lincoln once said, “a house divided against itself cannot stand.” Lincoln was willing to compromise and offered his hands of friendship. But he set up a certain limit, beyond which nothing was acceptable if the unity of America was threatened.

In Indonesia, we also believe in such principle. The solution to Papua is not political independence, but peace, rule of law, respect, moderation and, above all, social welfare and broad-based economic development. Concerning the latter, we have to acknowledge that while other regions in our country are moving fast, some significant parts of Papua are being left behind, especially in the Jayawijaya mountain region where about 60 percent of the local people live.

The coastal areas of Papua are basically improving quite rapidly, but the region in the mountain, because of its extreme isolation, suffers greatly from what economists call a land-locked problem. They are being trapped in the mountain, without easy access to outside areas. We have to acknowledge this problem and break up the isolation as far as possible.

I had a long personal experience dealing with Papua, when I was the coordination minister for social welfare from 2005 to 2009. Our programs then dealt directly with the issue of social welfare in the mountain region. We brought hundreds of doctors, agricultural tools and experts, teachers and schools, communication tools, solar panels for electricity, clean water, and many more.

The local people loved it and asked the central government to do much more. Quite a significant number of armed separatists literally handed their weapons to me. While we were implementing our programs from 2005 to 2009, there were no single incident of protests and conflicts of any kind. From this personal experience, I learned an important lesson that if we truly and sincerely fight for their welfare, the people of Papua were very friendly and peaceful.

So, if we can manage the issue of Papua well, and truly develop the area with dignity and sympathy, there is no question in my mind that 10 years from now Papua will become one of the brighter stars in eastern Indonesia.

Honorable guests

Ladies and Gentlemen:

Now, finally I will talk about the Golkar Party and the coming 2014 election. Let me begin by stating the obvious: Golkar is the oldest party in Indonesia, with long experience in power. When the country changed and we entered the period of democratization, Golkar quickly responded by repositioning and reforming itself.

We truly embraced the new democratic spirit while maintaining our basic identity as a party which fights for development, social welfare, stability, and strong but responsible government.

Although we were in the second position in the 2009 election, it is not an exaggeration to say that Golkar is the party with the most extensive regional network and membership. Today, more than 50 percent of all governors and mayors who have won local elections are members or candidates supported by Golkar.

This puts us in a good strategic position to win the 2014 election. I expect Golkar to win somewhere around 30 to 35 percent of the national vote. This is respectable, but it will not be enough: we will have to form a coalition with other parties to control the parliament.

We are also aiming at the presidency. The last thing Indonesia needs is political deadlocks and the executive body is unable to launch major policy breakthroughs. Golkar wants to avoid this by winning both the presidency and leading the majority coalition in the legislature.

I know, it will not be easy, but we have to try, because the solutions to our problems as I described earlier, require not only experienced hands, but also coordinated and concerted actions led by a strong and decisive president who is supported by a broad party coalition.

In democracy, good policies require strong but accountable exercise of power. This is what Golkar is offering to Indonesia. In our history, we have proven that Golkar can deliver: major reduction of poverty rates throughout the 1970s and 1980s, building hundreds of thousands of schools in the counties and villages, local health centers, family planning programs, modernization of agriculture, the move toward industrialization, and much more.

It was then the golden time of economic development when Indonesia was regarded by the world as one of the miracles in the developing country.

We want to repeat this success in the new context of democracy and openness. As the party chairman, it is my job to get the message across to the people of Indonesia. We are fighting for their trust and we want to earn their support.

As for myself, whether to run or not to run for the presidency, I surrender my fate to God the Almighty – and also, of course, to the members of my party. The presidency is not an end in itself. It is a very honorable position to service the nation, to make a difference, and to do something useful for others.

But honestly, before I take any steps to convince the nation about my candidacy, I will have to convince my wife and my three children, not to mention my mother, two brothers and one sister. Their signals so far, perhaps like the conditions of the world economy, are still uncertain. I guess I will just have to work harder.

But whatever decisions are made in the months ahead, I look forward to continuing this dialogue with the US-Indonesia society. And again, I thank each and every one of you for your friendship and support to the people of Indonesia

Thank you.

Welcoming Speech Chairman of the 8^th Asean Leadership Forum. Jakarta, 8 Mei 2011.

HE Vice President Beodiono

HE Prime Minister Dato Sri Mohamad Nadjib

Senior Minister Cham Prasidh

Ministers, Chairman of Kadin, distinguished guests

Ladies and Gentlemen

Assalamualaikum Wr. Wb.

May peace be upon all of us

I would like to use this opportunity to express our sincere appreciation and grateful to His Exellency Bapak Boediono, His Excellency Dato Sri Mohamad Nadjib and Honorable Senior Minister Champ Pradish (who is representing the Prime Minister of Cambodia) for participating and agreeing to address this Forum.

I am proud that the Asean Leadership Forum is held in Jakarta for the 2^nd time. I am also honored to be given this opportunity to be the Chairman of the Forum, which is organised by ASLI and co-organised by the Asean Secretariat and the Indonesian Chamber of Commerce or KADIN.

This Forum brings together government, business, civil society and opinion leaders to review the proggress toward the Asean Community by 2015. We are here also to discuss several strategic topics, namely the issues of enhancing Asean connectivity, the promotion of Asean green growth, and the voices of Asean younger generation.

Besides all that, the Forum will also look beyond 2015. We are going to see what more Asean can achieve in the next one or two decades.

All of these topics are particularly relevant after the conclusion of the 18^th Asean Summit, hosted by Indonesia.

It is a timely oppportunity to reflect strategic challenges facing the region in the near future, as China and India are advancing rapidly toward progress, as the world is more deeply globalised, as geopolitical elements, cultures, movement of peoples, and money are shifting, moving, changing in a new pattern and behaviour that quite often cannot be easily understood.

Asean must grow stronger in a rapidly changing world. Asean is founded upon a big idea that a friendly partnership, a bond tied by mutual respect of nations in the region, is our prerequisite for economic and social progress. With peaceful and mutual respect, with the support of our governments, we endorse the basic stuff to take care of itself: free flow of capital, free flow of goods, and free flow of services.

So far, we have been moving in the right direction. But let us not forget the more crucial issue, which I think will bring more complex political consequences, namely the issue of free movement of people, including workers and job seekers. There has been some irony here, because we have been quite advance in moving toward free trade and services, but we have yet to do something significant in guaranteeing and protecting the free movement of people. We seem to like the money, but not the people.

Here the issues of migration, of cultural understanding, of mutual respect among our people are becoming the real test for Asean. So, the spirit of Asean community should not only become the lip service of our leaders, but should be implemented with all our heart and our best effort.

We cannot advance very far into the future if our own people do not treat and relate to each other well, or if Asean governments fail to protect Asean migrants and workers in a respectful and lawful manner. Business cannot thrive if the people do not feel secure and peaceful. Industries cannot long exist if workers are restless and discontended.

I therefore sincerely hope that we can soon commit ourselves to the implementation of the 2007 Cebu Declaration on the Protection and Promotion of the Rights of Migrant Workers. We need to include this declaration as one of our cornerstones in our effort to truly build a stronger Asean society in the global community of nations.

Asean needs to transform itself to become more dynamic, effective, creative, and therefore relevant for all of us. The Cold War is long gone. The balance of power is shifting, the world’s political architecture is being re-drawn, and our region is becoming more important.

At the same time, science, technology, capital and information are creating new opportunities as well as new challenges almost every day. With unmatched intensity, we are forced to adapt, almost mercilessly – but if we do our best we will enjoy almost unlimited promises in the future.

So we have to be prepared and move fast enough. I therefore believe that our discussions in this Forum over the next two days will be interesting, productive, with lots of new ideas and far reaching insights.

In closing, I wish to thank ASLI and its CEO Dato Michael Yeoh for giving me the opportunity to address this forum as its Chairman. I wish you are all very well. Let us strive to think Asean, to act Asean, and to build our region that our peoples can be proud of.

Wabillahitaufiq walhidayah

Wassalamu alaikum Wr. Wb.

Public Lecture Singapore, 18 November 2010

Provost Professor Bertil Andersson, Dean Barry Desker

Excellencies Distinguished Guests Ladies and Gentlemen

Good afternoon. It is a great honour to be here in Singapore to deliver a public lecture to such a distinguished audience. Singapore is so much of a second home to me that I do not really feel like a foreigner here. The problem in Singapore is never in arriving: It is in leaving.

It is my pleasure to say that, this time, I will be leaving behind a token of my family’s appreciation of Singapore’s position as a regional hub of scholarship. This morning, the Bakrie Center Foundation has endowed, with a matching grant from the Singapore Government, a professorial Chair in Southeast Asian policy at the Rajaratnam School of International Studies at Nanyang Technological University. The Chair will provide insights into development in Southeast Asia that lend themselves to policy formulation and policy implementation.

Today, however, I am billed to speak about my own country. But first let me express my admiration for Singapore and for the leaders of this great country, particularly Mr. Lee Kuan Yew. I remember Professor Henry Kissinger once said that Lee Kuan Yew was a great leader in a small country, and he could be greater still in a bigger country.

I agree with Prof. Kissinger about Mr. Lee, but Singapore was never a small country. In the modern world, size and numbers do not really matter. It is the quality of the people – their mind and their spirit, their determination and their willingness to sacrifice for the future, their loyalty to the nation and their dedication to the cause of progress: these are all that matter. And therefore, in my eyes, Singapore is a big and a great country. It is a story of how, in only one generation, a poor, multicultural society managed to break the chain of poverty and backwardness. Singapore, in short, is a story of success, one of the greatest wonders of the 20th century. I am proud of my country and a strong believer in its bright future. But I have to admit that Indonesia has a lot to learn from Singapore.

Distinguished guests

Ladies and gentlemen

Let me begin by explaining my own view about Indonesian history before talking about the state of contemporary Indonesia, its future and its role in the world. My favourite point of departure in explaining Indonesian history is globalization. Globalization is old stuff, starting in mid-17th century in Maluku islands, also known as the spices islands. Nutmegs and cloves, which could only grow there, were among the first mass products of world trade, which were the reason why great explorers, traders, and conquerors from Europe, mainly the Portugese, the Dutch, and the British, risked years of hazardous sea journeys competing to reach and control the islands.

In the 17th and 18th century time-scale, Maluku was very far away, located on the eastern most corner of the Indonesian archipelago, about 3,000 km from Singapore, or about 2,500 km from Jakarta. It was therefore an imperative of logistics and security of the supply line that whoever controlled Maluku had to control also the port and build outposts on the sea-line stretching from Ambon, Makassar, Surabaya, Jakarta, Malacca, and beyond. It was this network of ports and outposts that connected the islands in Maluku with Amsterdam, London and Lisbon, the great European cities whose traders, financiers, sailors and shipbuilders were the most responsible in creating early global capitalism.

So for about 3 centuries the archipelago became the major theater of world trade, wars, imperial politics, and subjugation, which ushered the era of colonialism in the Indonesian archipelago, a story that was also familiar with the people of Singapore.

Colonialism had many faces, some were bloody, cruel, and tragic, but some were uplifting and progressive. The Dutch introduced modern education and modern technology, and it was Raffles (yes, Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles, the brilliant, tragic hero, founder of Singapore), who implemented for the first time the methods and elements of modern government in Indonesia.

Raffles was a true example of a devoted, multi-talented reformer. He abolished slavery, created a modern civil servant, founded a national garden, advanced the science of botany and wrote an influential book about the history of Java. He did all this with great personal sacrifice: his wife, Olivia, died in Bogor, while three of his four children died in Bengkulu. But despite all this, the British imperial government did not seem to appreciate what he did. He was accused of mismanaging the public money, and were therefore forced to pay mounting debts. In the end, he died at the age of 45 a broken and indebted man. He might not be highly appreciated in his own country, but for us Indonesians, and for Singaporeans as well, Raffles was a gift of colonialism, however ironic that might be, whose influences can still be seen even today.

There were several more progressive aspects we can talk about, but it is sufficient to say at this point that the biggest by-product of colonialism, mostly unintended by the Dutch and Japanese conquerors, was the emergence of modern nationhood, the shared feeling among many different people that they were treated unjustly by the same foreign master.

The old kingdoms of Java, Sumatra and Sulawesi could not provide the answer to the most important question of the day. The people looked for something new, something more profound which could bring them together as an antithesis of the colonial master.

It was this new, shared feeling of nationhood that created Indonesia. The Javanese, the Sundanese, the Buginese, the Batak, the Balinese and many others: In the dawn of the 20th century they began to feel that they were one nation. And once the new nationhood was consolidated, the rest was history – a story shared by many other emerging nations in Asia and Africa; a familiar history of the struggle for independence with heroic and larger-than-life political figures, like Soekarno, Nehru, Gandhi, Nasser, and Nyerere.

What was unique about Indonesia was its size and complexity. The fourth most populous nation on earth, with a geographical span of about 5,200 km from East to West (or about the distance from Baghdad to London) with thousands of islands, languages, and ethnic groups, plus major religions like Budhism, Hinduism, Islam, Christianity and many local and traditional beliefs. On top of that, the country had sizeable numbers of Arabs, Tamils, Gujaratis, Pakistanis, and Chinese, whose forebears came to the archipelago centuries ago.

Fortunately for us, our founding fathers made wise and thoughtful compromises in creating the foundations of modern Indonesia. They adopted a language not from the largest ethnic group, the Javanese, but from a relatively small ethnic group, the Malay in Sumatra, which became our only national language, Bahasa Indonesia.

This was an act of brilliant statesmanship, a historic decision which had been the strongest unifying force in our country. Moreover, the founders also proclaimed that the working principles of our nation was Bhineka Tunggal Ika, or unity in diversity, with its basic philosophy of Pancasila, which integrated nicely the ideas of religiosity, tolerance, freedom, humanity and justice into one organic unity. These principles were simple, but they tied us together and gave us a sense of common purpose, a direction as to where our journey as a nation should lead to.

All of this was our sacred heritage. It is the basis of our being as a country and as a people. From time to time there had been conflicts and crises within our country, fightings among ourselves, but in the end we always found ways to compromise, to make peace and moved on, refreshing once again the sacred principles we inherited from our founders.

Distinguished guests

Ladies and gentlemen

From our days of independence in 1945, our story has been a story of ups and downs, of crises and renewal, of despair and hope. Soekarno, the proclamator of our independence, was the greatest of our hero. With his inspiring speeches, he united the country and nurtured our new nation. He gave the newly independent Indonesia a new vision and a sense of pride. At the peak of his time as our first president, which coincided with the beginning of the Cold War, Soekarno became the personification of Indonesia’s emergence as one of the major players in the Non-Aligned Nations, particularly in Asia and Africa.

All great men, however, make great mistakes. His biggest mistake was that he gave only a very vague and wrong ideas of how to build a modern economy. He once said that building the economy was only a child play, not a business of great statesmen. Like many countries in Asia and Africa, he followed the Soviet-style development, adjusted to Soekarno’s flavor and Indonesian context.

The result was an economic disaster, which interplayed with the political dynamics of the day, centered around simultaneous and multilayered competitions between the majority of the people, supported by the military, vs the communists and between the Islamic parties vs the secular parties. Hence, in the early 1960s, Indonesia was on the brink of a civil war, with a bankrupt economy.

When Soekarno could no longer controlled the situation, the military moved in, led by a young, handsome, low-profile, smiling General Soeharto. After purging the communists — one of the saddest and bloodiest events in our history — Soeharto gradually gained the upper hand and, supported by the majority of the people, established the New Order regime.

With Soeharto as the new leader, Indonesia began a new chapter. Soeharto’s objectives were simple but clear: Political stability and economic development. No more fiery and colorful rhetorics. No more revolutionary passion. Instead, with iron fists, Soeharto coldly and systematically strengthened the central government, controlled the political parties, and supported the technocrats to open the market and to plan for major development programs.

In many ways, Soeharto was successful. He emerged as one of the strongest and most admired leaders in Asia, a respected and proud counterpart of Lee Kuan Yew and Mahathir Mohamad. With stable politics, the Indonesian economy enjoyed a long period of high growth, about 7 to 8 percent annually for about 2 consecutive decades. China and India are now the darling of the world and investment houses. But in the 1970s and 1980s, these two giants were still the basket cases of economic failure. It was Indonesia, Singapore and other East and South East Asian countries who made the news and impressed the world.

Under Soeharto’s rule, 50 millions people were uplifted from absolute poverty. Thousands modern schools, hospitals and infrastructures were built, and a new middle class was born. Such scale of rapid economic progress had never happened before in our history. With these achievements, Indonesia, along with other successful Asean countries, were considered Asia’s little dragons, the emerging countries whose impressive growth would soon enabled them to catch up with Japan and the West.

But it turned out that things were not that easy. By the early 1990s, Soeharto was already in his third decade in power. Nobody can win the fight against time. Soeharto’s biggest mistake was that he stayed in power (32 years to be precise) much longer than it was humanly possible and politically necessary. Gradually he began to lost his touch, his feel, and worse, his determination to succeed. So, when the Financial Crisis of 1997 struck the world economy like a dark typhoon, Indonesia was hit hard.

The people were confused, panic and angry. Soeharto did not really know how best to respond. He appeared in public still dignified as an old president, but the painful economic downturn, followed by the student protests and the cries for him to step down, was too much for him to handle. Thus began the era of reformasi and democracy, a new era that is still going on today, which I hope will stay for many years to come.

Ladies and gentlemen

Distinguished guests

So here we are at the state of contemporary Indonesia. I am sorry I have taken a bit of detour in history, but I think it is important for our friends in Singapore to know us better, by understanding our national journey from early on. By knowing the past, we can better understand the present and the future.

Now, about the present, let me begin by what President Barack Obama said when he visited our country last week. In his beautiful and moving speech at Universitas Indonesia, before at least 6,000 audience, mostly students and Jakarta’s young leaders, the US President expressed his admiration for Indonesia’s flourishing democracy and freedom. He was also deeply impressed by our religiosity, combined with our gentle and tolerant predispositions. As someone who spent 4 years of boyhood in Jakarta, he said he had great optimism about our future and our democracy.

President Obama captured the essence of our time since the fall of Soeharto in 1998. But we have to bear in mind, the journey to democracy had never been easy. In the first year or two, the birth of freedom was followed by messy and confusing signs. It fed euphoria, and sometimes anarchy and bloody conflicts, particularly in areas where there were preexisting historical competitions between religions or ethnic groups, like Sampit, Ambon and Poso. Jakarta was also torn apart for several days by anti-Chinese riots. The army and the police were discredited, the central and regional governments were uncertain to exercise their authority to impose order.

Nobody was in charge. Everybody was afraid to take responsibilty. To use the historical example from the French Revolution, the short period after the fall of Soeharto was the reign of terror, inflicted not by particular state agencies, but by our own worst self, by our own weak and dark angels. It was the time when thousands of middle class Indonesians, particularly of Chinese origin, went away to find shelter in Singapore.

Fortunately, it was short. Gradually the government and the people found the way to strike a healthy balance between freedom and order, between authority and democracy. Of course, even today we are still working that out. It may take one full generation before the true character of our democracy is consolidated and becomes relatively permanent. But there is no doubt that we are moving on, learning by doing the best way, under limited circumstances, to conduct a responsible, open, and accountable exercise of power.

Indonesia has now experienced the coming and going of four different presidents and governments in the last 12 years. But the circulation of elites, the transfers of power, the exercise of the people’s will through open elections, have been mostly peaceful and orderly. A wide concensus has now emerged that we can no longer turn the clock back. We have understood that the imperfection of democracy is not an invitation to tyranny and blind power – instead, it is a challenge to try harder, to strike a balance, to compromise with the guidance of common sense and respect to each other.

We are proud that we have taken the chances. Now we are the third biggest democracy in the world. As President Obama and others understand very well, the people of Indonesia have shown the world that Islam and democracy can coexist peacefully. We have given an example of how a large country with more than 240 million people, with a diverse, multi-ethnic society and a relatively less developed economy survived against all odds, widening the room for liberty, reforming the government, fighting against bigotry and extremism, devolving the power of the central government to the regions, and many more.

Of course, there are many other things we have to do in the future. Corruption and incompetency of the bureaucracy are major challenges. The justice system, the police, the quality of our teachers and nurses, the quality of our basic public services: These are all difficult problems. We have to deal with them with skill, determination, and patient, like a mountain climber in his search for the path to the cloudy peak.

But however difficult, I strongly believe that Indonesia will succeed in the coming years. A healthy democratic foundation has been established. We have become more mature as a nation. Given enough time and opportunities, Indonesia will emerge as a strong, proud, friendly country to its neighbors in the region, and to the world.

Distinguished guests

Ladies and gentlemen

Now, let me take your time for several minutes to talk about the economy. Democracy and freedom, in the context of our country, cannot survive for long in a stagnant or deteriorating economy. Money is not everything, but democracy will be much easier to manage if the people feel that their job opportunities are expanding and they can send their kids to better schools. It is therefore a general rule in politics that democracy and economic growth usually need each other.

Fortunately for us in Indonesia, four different governments in the last 12 years — one of which I am proud to admit that I had the opportunity to serve as the coodinating minister for the economy and also for the people’s welfare – have basically practiced prudent and relatively sound economic policies. Each had their own style and emphasis (Habibie, Gus Dur, Megawati and SBY), but the substance was almost the same: coping with the aftermath of the financial crisis, reforming the banking sector, keeping the macroeconomy stable, managing the debt below a certain level of GDP, improving social safety nets for the poor, and many other programs, big and small.

Policy continuation and stability were among the reasons why the Indonesian economy is now a relatively healthy one, with growth predicted to be around 6.2 to 6.4 percents next year, increasing to 8 percent in 2014. The foundations are now better. When the 2008 global financial crisis struck, which created havoc in many countries, Indonesia was relatively left untouched (compare this to the 14 percent contraction of GDP in 1998).

So we are now standing on a better ground. Domestic consumptions are rising, local banks are free of crippling debts, the stock market has been performing very well (much better compared to many other countries in the region), exports and investments are respectable. As the result of all this, Indonesia’s per capita income improved significantly, from USD 2,000 in 2004 to about USD 3,000 now. Because of this success, some high-profile investment houses, like Morgan Stanley, have suggested recently the possibility for Indonesia to be included to the BRIC club, along with Brazil, India, and China. It would certainly be nice to us if BRIC becomes BRIIC, with two “I”s.

Now, by saying all that, I am not implying that everything is all well. Anybody who has visited Jakarta recently will understand this. The road traffic has become impossible, the power supply unstable, and Cengkareng International Airport is deteriorating. It is a clear sign that the development of our infrastructures has not been keeping up. This problem is creating bottlenecks everywhere in the country, in almost every big cities.

So the government has to take major initiatives, by inviting the private sectors to participate. And for this, the biggest issue is legal certainty and the ability of the government to implement the law, especially in land and property acquisition for eminent domain. Our records here are not so good: Most of the toll road projects are now being postponed simply because we do not have the determination to proceed, forcefully if necessary, to implement the law.

Apart from this problem, we are also facing the issues of job and poverty. We need at least 7 percent growth per year to fully absorb our expanding work force. So far, some policies, like the well-known PNPM (the national socio-economic empowerment programs), has been quite successful in providing jobs and projects to the district and village level, covering a significant number of people with relatively little public money. But we need more programs of this nature, providing security for our people at the grassroot level.

Our fiscal policy needs to be more aggressive in its spending, provided that the purpose and the target are well and clearly defined. Deficit spending, under the current conditions, is necessary to help the economy going.

Of all the economic challenges we are facing, perhaps among the trickiest ones is the question of how to define the proper role of the government in the economy. It is dynamic and constantly evolving. But sooner or later we have to come up with a better formulation, a working and productive relationship between the public and the private, between the government and the market. We need smart government interventions as well as efficient private sectors.

Apart from that, we also have to strike a healthy balance between the government and the parliament in governing our economy. Sometimes the line of responsibility between the executive and the legislature is blurred, which creates big uncertainties for all economic actors. This need to be settled well: The government should be able to execute its programs, and the legislature should be able to play constructive role in exercising its legitimate power.

Distinguised guests

Ladies and gentlemen

Those are all big stuff, the economic problems and challenges. I know they are not easy. But the structure of our economic governance is of the utmost importance: It is what enables Indonesia to become more competitive in the global economy and to achieve higher-quality growth. Without solving these problems at the structural level, our economy cannot achieve its true potentials.

Again, from my experience both in the private and public sector, I know that my country has a lot of promises. Sometimes we forget about this and we are busy squabling with ourselves. But overall I am optimistic that we are all going to be fine.

Indonesia in the future will grow stronger, both as an economic power house or as a democratic nation. A more self-confident Indonesia is a friendly force to the region and the world. Especially for our neighbor like Singapore, a stronger Indonesia means a more reliable friend, a more dependable brother, as well as an expanding market and a potentially huge customer.

Asia now is a place of wonder. With the rise of China and India, the dragon and the tiger, people the world over are now rising many questions. I, for one, do not see the rise of the two giants as a threat. I see them as almost boundless possibilities. If Indonesia can pull it off and close the gap, it means that about three billion people, or half of world population, are rapidly advancing, doubling their income every 6 or 7 years.

This may happen in the near future. And if it is, we have a very good reason to rejoice. One generation ago our region was a theater of proxy wars among major powers during the most intense periods of the Cold War. Now it is an economic power house, a region where smart investors from around the world are looking for a place to make some profits, a region where better schools and universities are expanding the mind of millions of our young generation, a place where tomorrow is always better than yesterday.

However, this great possibility will also be affected by the dynamics of international politics. Here, the role of the US and Japan are also of the utmost important. We need to remember that the most important aspects are balance of power and national interests. Therefore, we need also to embrace them as our partners. The US in particular has many roles: major economic and technological power, with second to none in its military capabilities. So, as emerging economic countries, we have to play our cards well, playing the game of power balancing and pursuing our own national and regional interests.

There is one thing we have to remember also that our international trade system is being threatened by the failure in resolving WTO agreement. Moreover, the currency problems and currency wars are now the topic of the day. China and the US in particular are in disharmony. We should resolve these problems sooner rather than later, because they can become a threat to world economic order, and in the end, to world peace.

Finally, let me conclude this lecture by thanking all of you, especially the Nanyang Technological University. I enjoy being here with you and I am deeply thankful for the opportunity given to me and my family to make a small contribution for the advancement of learning in this great university.

Thank you.